The Collected Writings of Professor Alistair Veyne

On the Familial Character of Aesir-Mammoth Bonds

Traditional Aesir herders dislike sentimental descriptions of their relationship with mammoths. If asked whether the herd constitutes part of the family, many will object to the wording. Mammoths are not Aesir. They do not sit at the table, inherit property in the ordinary sense, or participate in clan councils. A herder will instead speak of responsibility, familiarity, obligation, breeding history, migration, and the practical necessity of knowing each animal individually. Then his grandmother will die, and one of the oldest mammoths will stand outside the family dwelling for two days. Terminology becomes less useful after that.

The familial character of the relationship is easiest to observe among children. Aesir children raised in traditional herding communities do not encounter mammoths as livestock in the abstract; they encounter particular mammoths from birth, and they learn names, temperaments, grudges, habits, and genealogies almost as naturally as they learn those of their own relatives.

I once watched a boy of perhaps seven approach an elderly female called Vara while she was feeding. His mother immediately ordered him away, not because Vara was considered dangerous generally, but because she disliked being touched while eating. The boy complained that Vara “liked him.”

His mother replied, “She likes you when she is not eating.”

This distinction seemed to the boy a technicality. Vara apparently agreed with the mother, and she removed him from reach with her trunk and deposited him several feet away without interrupting her meal. The child was offended. Neither his mother nor anyone else present was alarmed, which I regret to say distinguished them from me. The gesture was controlled enough that the boy remained upright, and Vara resumed eating without further interest. His mother later explained that the animal had been moving him out of the way since he first learned to walk.

I asked whether she was comfortable allowing an animal of several tons to discipline her son. She said, “More than I am comfortable allowing my son to bother her.” This was not quite the answer I expected.

The attachment works in both directions, though mammoths express it in ways that do not map neatly onto Human or Aesir affection. They rarely display the constant solicitousness of dogs and are often strikingly independent. A mammoth may ignore a favoured herder for an entire afternoon, refuse his direction, steal his food, and then follow him unbidden for several miles the next day.

One elderly bull named Orum displayed this contradiction almost theatrically. He was famously difficult, disliked being approached from the left, and had once overturned a storage sled because someone had moved it into what he apparently considered the wrong place. He also followed an Aesir woman named Brenna whenever she travelled alone between seasonal camps, a habit no one had trained into him. Brenna herself denied that he was protecting her. She said he was “nosy.”

This explanation became difficult to maintain after wolves approached her during one winter journey. Orum placed himself between Brenna and the pack before she had fully registered their presence, trumpeted, advanced several steps, and remained between her and the animals until they withdrew. When I later asked Brenna whether she still considered the behaviour mere curiosity, she said, “He likes being right about danger.” This is the sort of answer herders give when they do not wish to say that an animal cares for them.

I have encountered the reverse situation as well. During a river crossing in the northern lowlands, an adolescent mammoth lost footing in unusually fast water and became wedged against submerged stone, and three adult Aesir entered the river almost immediately, despite the obvious danger of being crushed. The senior female of the herd became extremely agitated and repeatedly attempted to enter after them, until two other mammoths physically obstructed her. That was remarkable enough; more remarkable was what happened after the calf was freed.

The senior female ignored the calf initially and went directly to one of the Aesir men who had been knocked beneath the water during the rescue. She touched his chest, face, and shoulders repeatedly with her trunk and remained beside him while he recovered. Only afterwards did she return to the calf. I am cautious about inferring motive from animal behaviour, and rather less cautious when the same pattern occurs repeatedly.

Traditional herders tell many stories of mammoths retrieving injured people, guarding sleeping children, alerting camps to fire or predators, and refusing to leave sick or stranded members of familiar households behind. Not all such tales are reliable, and some have undoubtedly improved with retelling. Enough have been directly observed that dismissing the entire class as folklore would require more stubbornness than the mammoths themselves.

One of the clearest examples I witnessed involved an Aesir girl named Ylsa who had injured her ankle several miles from camp. Her family was moving with the herd at the time, and she could not keep pace on foot. Before anyone had arranged transport, and without any command being given, a middle-aged female mammoth called Sura knelt beside her. The girl climbed onto a carrying platform with assistance, and Sura walked back toward camp at a pace noticeably slower than the rest of the herd, stopping twice and turning enough to touch the platform with her trunk. Ylsa seemed entirely unsurprised, and I asked afterwards whether Sura had been trained to carry injured people.

“No,” she said. “She carries me.”

There was apparently a distinction. Ylsa had helped tend the same animal through a difficult foot infection several years earlier. I do not suggest that Sura understood reciprocity in the abstract philosophical sense. I merely record that the mammoth chose a particular action toward a particular person with whom she had a long-standing relationship, and that no one present regarded this as unusual. That last point may be the most important.

Aesir herders do not react to such behaviour with the astonishment outsiders expect because, to them, the existence of individual bonds is ordinary. A mammoth may favour one sibling and distrust another. It may respond readily to an elderly grandparent while ignoring younger and stronger handlers, or tolerate children from one household and become irritable around strangers. These preferences are remembered across years, and sometimes across decades.

One herder described to me a female who had been particularly attached to his father. The father died while the herd was away on winter pasture, and when they returned months later, the animal repeatedly approached the man’s workshop and waited outside. This continued for nearly a week, until the son eventually opened the building and allowed her inside. She searched it thoroughly, stood for some time beside the workbench, and then left. She did not return again. The herder told me this without visible emotion and concluded by saying, “After that she knew.” I asked what he meant. He looked at me as though the answer were obvious, and I did not press him.

Mammoths also participate in the less dignified parts of family life. They develop favourites and become jealous of attention. Habitual teasing they recognise, and sometimes repay. A young bull in one camp had learned that an Aesir man named Torvald habitually concealed dried fruit in his coat, and the animal would search no one else. Torvald insisted this proved superior scent, until the mammoth once walked past three other people carrying the same fruit in order to investigate him. After that, Torvald changed his theory and claimed the animal had poor character. The mammoth stole the fruit anyway.

There are similar accounts of mammoths interrupting arguments, interfering with courtship, refusing to move until a particular herder accompanies them, and positioning themselves between favoured individuals and people they distrust. Some of this is certainly projection, since people are excellent at discovering human meaning in animal behaviour. Yet projection cuts both ways, and the determination to interpret every mammoth action as merely conditioned behaviour can become as unscientific as imagining the animal composes poetry.

Attachment is not uniquely Human, and neither are preference, grief, jealousy, reassurance, protectiveness, or memory. The question is not whether mammoths experience these things exactly as Aesir do, since they plainly do not, but whether their social lives are rich enough for particular Aesir individuals to become incorporated into them. The evidence suggests that they are.

This helps explain why traditional Aesir react so strongly to outsiders describing mammoths as property. They may use the language of ownership themselves when law or trade requires it, but their actual behaviour often resembles kinship more than possession. A mammoth may be inherited, but so may responsibility for an elderly relative. A herd may be counted as wealth, but so may a family estate. An animal may provide labour, but so may half the members of an Aesir household. Economic usefulness does not exclude affection, and among peoples who survive difficult environments together, the two are frequently entangled.

I once asked an elderly herder directly whether he considered his mammoths family. He laughed and said no. Then he spent twenty minutes telling me which mammoth had known his grandfather, which had carried his eldest daughter as a child, which had saved his brother during a storm, which had an unreasonable dislike of his wife, and which he hoped would still be alive when his youngest grandson came of age. I did not repeat the question, because there are answers which become less accurate once spoken.